By Steve Pincus
For 2 hundred years historians have considered England’s wonderful Revolution of 1688–1689 as an un-revolutionary revolution—bloodless, consensual, aristocratic, and in particular, good. during this awesome new interpretation Steve Pincus refutes this conventional view.
By increasing the interpretive lens to incorporate a broader geographical and chronological body, Pincus demonstrates that England’s revolution used to be a eu occasion, that it came about over a couple of years, now not months, and that it had repercussions in India, North the USA, the West Indies, and all through continental Europe. His wealthy ancient narrative, according to plenty of latest archival study, strains the transformation of English overseas coverage, non secular tradition, and political economic system that, he argues, was once the meant outcome of the revolutionaries of 1688–1689.
James II constructed a modernization software that emphasised centralized regulate, repression of dissidents, and territorial empire. The revolutionaries, in contrast, took benefit of the hot monetary probabilities to create a bureaucratic yet participatory kingdom. The postrevolutionary English country emphasised its ideological holiday with the previous and expected itself as carrying on with to conform. All of this, argues Pincus, makes the wonderful Revolution—not the French Revolution—the first actually glossy revolution. This wide-ranging publication reenvisions the character of the fantastic Revolution and of revolutions quite often, the explanations and results of commercialization, the character of liberalism, and finally the origins and lines of modernity itself.
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Additional resources for 1688: The First Modern Revolution (The Lewis Walpole Series in Eighteenth-C)
36 By the late twentieth century, the scholarly debate over the Revolution of 1688–89 was narrow indeed. To most observers there appeared to be no debate at all. 37 The Tercentenary of the Revolution of 1688–89 fell flat because there was little left to celebrate. Two centuries of historical scholarship had reduced what had once been seen as a fundamental shift in the history of humanity to an aristocratic parlor game. English or British identity had not been reshaped; it had been reaffirmed. The British constitution had not been remade; its ancient constitution had been recovered.
We owe the late Revolution” to “the people of all ranks and conditions, from the highest and holiest order, to the meanest and most secular employment,” added the London cleric and Whig polemicist Benjamin Hoadly in what was then an uncontroversial statement of the Whig position. ”11 The ideological stakes in the Whig case were spelled out most clearly by another of the parliamentary managers of the case against Sacheverell, Nicholas Lechmere. Lechmere was both a prominent lawyer and closely associated with powerful Whig politicians.
1: The Accession of George III to the Death of William IV (London: Seaby, 1980), 68. Rethinking Revo lutions 31 typology of revolutions. We now hear of political revolutions, social revolutions, great revolutions, lesser revolutions, Third World revolutions, and twentieth-century revolutions. This chapter offers a more parsimonious explanation for the causes of revolutions tout court and suggests some new directions in explaining their outcomes. The general model developed here makes clear why the Revolution of 1688–89 in England should be understood to be the first modern revolution.
1688: The First Modern Revolution (The Lewis Walpole Series in Eighteenth-C) by Steve Pincus